Bahima and Culture

Bahima and Culture: The Hima People in East Africa are linked to diverse ethnic groups and political entities within the Great Lakes region. Historically, the term Hima refers to a sub-group of the Tutsi, originally a Cushitic group from the Ethiopian highlands, who migrated to the area around the 1300s.

Certain historians believe the name Hima is linked to a Nilotic group that migrated from Sudan along the Nile into Uganda. They subdued the Bantu populace in present-day southwestern Uganda and the adjacent region of Zaire. They assimilated into the Bantu community and adopted the indigenous Bantu language. Their name in the language serves as the principal identifier of their origin.

A tribe in Ankole, Uganda, is known as the Hima (Bahima). The Hima speech is categorized within ethnologies as a dialect of Nyankore (Nkore/Nkole). The ethnologies indicate that this speech type “may constitute a distinct language.”The relationship between speakers of Hima and other Nyankore variations is presumably analogous to that of the dialects spoken by Cushite Tutsis and Bantu Hutus who communicate in Rundi/Rwanda. No listing exists for the Hima in Tanzania. The Hima seem to be largely confined to their initial habitation region.

The history of the Bahima has long been obscured by mystery. The enigma originates from John Hanning Speke’s assertion in 1863 that the Wahuma (Bahima) were Caucasian, more cultured than black individuals or Negroes, and that they migrated to Uganda from Ethiopia, where they were governed by a dominant white race. Other Europeans asserted that the Bahima possessed greater intelligence, higher traits, and an inherent aptitude for leadership. Colonial explorers, missionaries, and administrators such as Samuel Baker, John Roscoe, and Harry Johnston in Uganda espoused these perspectives. They attributed merit to the Bahima solely due to their physical resemblance to Caucasians, characterized by sharp, narrow, pointed, and elongated noses.

The Bahima have concealed their authentic history of unstable nomadic existence and lack of material wealth to exploit these characteristics, hence maintaining their dominance over other Ugandans. Prior to endeavoring to elucidate the myth, let us comprehend the following:

Bahima, Batutsi, Bahororo, and Banyamulenge are related and share three primary traits. (1) Upon relocating, they assimilate local names and languages, (2) they subjugate the indigenous population, and (3) their males exclusively marry women from their own ethnic group. They engage in the latter to prevent others from infiltrating their defenses, so keeping their secrets of domination concealed. Conversely, they promote intermarriage among their women (except those from the ruling class) with elites from other ethnic groups to either sway the men to the Bahima faction or gain access to their political and other confidential information.

Bahima’s assertion, as stated by Speke, indicates that upon departing from Ethiopia or Abyssinia, they traversed the interior and ultimately crossed the Nile into Bunyoro. In Bunyoro, they abandoned their religion, neglected their language, altered their national identity to Wahuma, and preserved a singular traditional narrative of having formerly been of mixed race, half white and half black. The sole recollection Bahima has of their encounter with Speke is that they were of Caucasian descent.

The second clarification pertains to the race of the Bahima. Many continue to assert, both overtly and subtly, that they are white individuals, using physical characteristics as evidence. They continue to assert that they possess lighter complexions, smaller lips, superior intelligence, and hence, a higher status than other Ugandans, along with more attractive women. To verify that they possess darker skin and thicker lips than Bantu individuals, one merely needs to select a random sample, which will clearly reveal those with lighter skin and thinner lips. Concerning women, attractiveness is subjective and this notion should conclude there.

The Bahima assert their ‘white’ heritage and reject their Nilotic Luo ancestry, claiming descent from the white Bachwezi rather than the black Nilotic Luos, contending that it is the Basoga who are Luos. However, a complication exists in this context. Initially, the Bachwezi were not Caucasian but rather of African descent. Thus far, the Bahima have had significant challenges in establishing any affiliation with the Bachwezi.

The Nyankole cattle of the Hima ethnic group in Uganda

Researchers determined that the Bachwezi emerged from the existing Bantu population, which increasingly prioritized herding. Chronological analyses of earthen structures in western Uganda indicate that the earliest sites were inhabited by mixed agriculturalists who had transitioned to cow herding by the time they occupied the Bigo site, so proving their identity as Bantu people.

Nevertheless, the Bahima have persisted in exploiting their mystical connections with the semi-divine Bachwezi to sustain political dominance over the Bantu, particularly the Bairu and Bahutu. This Hamitic myth possesses a lengthy and persistent history; the concept of a distinct origin for the pastoralist [Bahima] aristocracy, together with their perceived superiority over the agriculturalists of the lakes region, endures to the present day.

Hima Women

The time has arrived for the Bahima and their relatives to abandon the notion that they are light-skinned, more clever, superior, and destined to rule, as this is untrue. The governance of Uganda since 1986 and increasingly of Rwanda since 1994 has illuminated the fact that they are not inherent leaders. The third demystification pertains to the preeminence of the Bahima civilization in Uganda. Due to prejudice against Black individuals, Europeans thought that Uganda’s civilization, including its material culture, originated externally and was introduced by the Bahima.

The Bantu culture was more evolved than that of the Bahima and Batutsi at the time of their encounter in the lakes region. In conclusion, we all aspire to coexist in peace, security, wealth, and dignity. Rather than emphasizing ethnic disparities, let us direct our focus to Article II of the Universal Declaration of Human Rights (1948), which asserts, “All human beings are born free and equal in dignity and rights, endowed with reason and conscience, and should act towards one another in a spirit of brotherhood.”

The denial of these rights and freedoms precipitates the emergence of resistance, which is currently seen in the Great Lakes Region. It will persist until we acknowledge, embrace, and authentically execute Article II as previously indicated.

Bahima and Tutsi

The prevailing perspective of the Tutsi is that they originate from a Cushitic heritage in northeastern Africa. Certain researchers have identified correlations with Nilotic. Throughout the centuries, the parallels in the circumstances of the Nilotic and Cushite elite may have resulted in a closer association between them. In contemporary times, the Tutsi-Hutu seem to be so interconnected that they might be regarded as a singular category spanning the diverse dialects within the political subdivisions of the Lakes Region. Their Bantu dialects exhibit considerable similarity.

Readying one self for matrimony within the Bahima community

They erected circular dwellings utilizing sticks and grass. A Muhima likely required less than half a day to gather all the construction materials; yet, it necessitated a certain level of ability, and the hut might endure for years. The Bahima have historically resided in communal dwellings, primarily organized around the hut of the family patriarch. They primarily possess two expansive rooms, one designated as a bedroom and the other for various commercial purposes.

The interior of the hut was custom-designed to accommodate the preferences of many families. A Muhima bride-to-be was confined in such huts. Occasionally, an expansion known as ekitu was built for the prospective wife. Men assessed a woman’s attractiveness based on her physique. The greater the woman’s obesity, the more favorable the outcome. Another rationale for augmenting the bride’s physique was to convey the perception that she originated from an affluent household. It was also an indication of well-being.

Even today, a young woman is groomed for marriage in manners that are certain to increase her weight. Historically, throughout the fattening phase, the bride was only seen by her immediate family members.

Origins of the Bahima Ethnic Group

The cattle-keeping population residing in western Uganda is renowned for their distinctive bond with their livestock. Anthropologists classify them as ‘Hamiticized Negro cattle people of North African heritage.’ Their human and cattle genetics suggest that they, along with the Batusti of Rwanda, likely originate from the Central Sahara region. Notwithstanding the incursion of foreign cultures and religious influences, their traditional marriages have endured. The Bahima continue to cherish their traditional marriages, primarily due to the elders who underscore the importance of cultural unions.

Restrictions and inclinations dictated mate selection. Families considered caste, money, and kinship while selecting a mate. The caste divide has consistently barred a Muhima from marrying a Mwiru. A socially sanctioned marriage could only occur between a man and a woman, both of whom were members of the ruling Bahima.

Kingship laws restrict a Muhima from marrying the daughters of his father’s brothers and his mother’s sisters. Nonetheless, cross-cousin marriage was sanctioned. The primary responsibility of the wife was to procreate. Consequently, a man sought a wife from a family known for its prolific women.

Identifying a prospective spouse within the Bahima tribe

Choosing a prospective wife was a multifaceted and captivating endeavor among the Bahima. Although it may seem peculiar today, in our culture, neither the girl nor the guy has the autonomy to select their companion. The arrangement of the marriage was typically conducted by the parents of both the boy and the girl, often without the awareness of the individuals involved.
This was due to the prohibition on Bahima girls traveling alone. A Muhima girl was invariably accompanied by her siblings, rendering her seldom seen due to her constant concealment. Upon your visit, the girls would conceal themselves. Most individuals were aware of the presence of attractive girls within a family during their youth. They would begin courting her when she was six or seven years old.
Upon the identification of a prospective bride, the groom’s family would dispatch an emissary to convey a message to her family. The messenger was referred to as Kyebembera or Kateerarume.

Deposit for bride price among the Bahima community

The messenger needed to be an individual familiar to both families. Upon a favorable reception of the message, which was predominantly positive due to a parent’s desire for their daughters to marry, the boy’s family would present a number of cows at the girl’s residence. These cattle were referred to as enkwatarugo (the cattle that maintain the kraal). They indicated that you were earnest about marrying the girl. They also represented affluence.

Primarily, the cows were intended to nourish the girl until she reached the age of 16, when she was deemed fit for marriage. The four cows were utilized as collateral to restrain the young girl and deter the advances of other suitors. Tradition mandated that at the girl’s maturation, the enkwatarugo cows would be restored to the suitor’s family. Nevertheless, the progeny of the cows were maintained by the bride’s family.

Subsequently, both families would initiate discussions over the bride price. Upon reaching an accord, the bride’s family would select the date for the procurement of the agreed-upon cattle. On that day, the bride’s family would select the finest cow from the groom’s or his family’s herd. Nevertheless, due to the apprehension of losing their finest cattle, certain households would conceal the healthiest cows. Occasionally, the girl’s associates would send spies in advance to ascertain the finest cattle.

Traditionally, a girl could not be proposed to for marriage while her elder sister or sisters remained unmarried. When a marriage proposal is extended to a younger sister, it is said that the girl’s parents, akin to Laban, the father-in-law of the biblical Jacob, would orchestrate circumstances to marry off the elder daughter instead of the younger sibling.

Bride price when the male’s family is impoverished among the Bahima of Uganda

If a suitor had the financial means but did not possess cattle for the bridal price, he would assert his claim to a woman by anointing her with butter. This tradition was referred to as ousigyiro. Nonetheless, the successful execution of this act relied on the reciprocal desire of both individuals – the man and the woman. The male was expected to apprehend the girl and apply butter over her entire body. Subsequently, the woman conveyed to her parents the events that had transpired.

The intimacy between the young couple was regarded as nearly equivalent to that resulting from premarital sexual relations. It disclosed that the woman was eager to marry the man, as she had clandestinely met him. Nevertheless, orusigyiro was not extensively practiced. Upon your father’s announcement of the identification of your future wife, there was frequently a sense of exhilaration. Who is this woman, my prospective spouse? What is her appearance? Frequently, young women would conceal themselves in the foliage to observe the prospective bride. However, if you were apprehended in the act, you would incur a substantial penalty.

Okujugisa ceremony of the Bahima People in Uganda

This event holds significant importance in the marriage customs of the Bahima. When the herdsman is to marry, his bride’s family selects 10 cattle from his herd. During the event, males from both the groom’s and bride’s sides participate in a clever debate and reading of poetry to surpass one another.

Occasionally, they participated in acrimonious disputes, culminating in altercations. Ultimately, the cattle would be chosen, and a date would be established for the groom’s family to present them at the bride’s residence. Following okujugisa, the fattening process commences as the bride is readied for okuhingira, the give-away ritual.

Rapid weight gain among the Bahima people of Uganda

Upon the selection of cattle for the bride price from the groom’s kraal, the girl was transferred to her grandmother to commence the fattening rites. One of the aunts, either maternal or paternal, assumed the responsibility of nurturing the girl. Occasionally, they would bring her to their residences and nourish her excessively. The fattening implements consisted of a set of meticulously polished and smoked ebyaanzi (milk gourds) in various hues.

She would spend up to six months with the fattening specialist, engaging in no strenuous labor, but consuming food. She would be persuaded to consume milk in various forms, such as amashunu (unfermented milk) and thick fermented milk (amakamo). She received a substantial gourd and was instructed to consume it entirely before sunset. She was nourished with ghee and roasted fatty goat flesh. A young woman weighing 65 kg at the time of marital identification might reach a weight of 160 kg in just three months with such eating.

The girls disliked it, yet they had no alternative; they were obliged to consume it under the vigilant supervision of an aunt who would be required to chastise or reprimand them, stating: “Why don’t you drink the milk?” Do you wish to depart while resembling a blade of grass?By the time the grandmothers and aunts finished fattening her, she would be excessively overweight to the point of being unable to walk. By the time of her marriage, the young woman would grow so corpulent that she could only waddle.

She was not only confined indoors for the purpose of fattening, but it is also widely believed that a lady who remained sheltered from strong sunlight for extended durations grew more beautiful.
On her wedding day, spectators remarked on her beauty, acknowledging the skin folds resulting from her obesity and the challenges she faced while walking.

Red Ants throughout the Bahima Community of Uganda

To instill terror in the bride and confine her within the house throughout the fattening time, she was consistently cautioned about the aggressive red ants that would bite her. The bride was informed that once stung by these minuscule insects, she was not to remove the fangs from her skin until her demise.

This practice is referred to as okumbanda empazi or okutambuuka empanzi. The objective was to ensure the bride’s commitment to the marriage, as she had brought the family cows, regarded as a symbol of riches.
Okutambuuka empanzi also served to avert malevolent omens. Wandering outdoors was considered prohibited due to the risk of rape or snake bites for the girl. Consequently, she would be prohibited from gathering firewood, typically placed on the floor, or retrieving water.

The bride approaches.

The average age at which a non-educated Muhima girl marries is often 16. Prior to the wedding day, she would reside in a hut with other girls and weep incessantly. Upon approaching a residence where such lamentations were audible, one would discern that a daughter was to be betrothed. As she lamented, the bride grasped a pillar supporting the hut as her friends anointed her with butter to render her slippery, complicating the bridegroom’s attempt to transport her away on the day of okuhingira. She was subjected to physical punishment and reprimanded by her brothers, who instructed her to cease her wailing.

The bridegroom would subsequently enter the kraal of the bride’s family and be escorted to the hut where the bride would be awaiting him. He would subsequently grasp her right hand and guide her to the gathered guests. A robust rope was subsequently provided by a relative of the bride and secured to one of her legs. The members of the bride’s and bridegroom’s clans thereafter selected their sides, leading to a tug of war. The bride’s clan would endeavor to keep their sister, while the groom’s clan would attempt to abduct her.

During this contest, the bride wept as she was being separated from her former home and family. The bridegroom would remain by her, maintaining his grip, and once receiving the ultimate advantage, he would remove the rope from her ankle and swiftly carry her a short distance to a gathering awaiting nearby, where a cowhide was laid on the ground.

The bride would be seated on the cowhide, while the young men would elevate her and hasten to the bridegroom’s parents’ residence, pursued by friends and relatives in celebration.
Bahima brides traditionally experienced several transformations during and in the months after the marriage ceremony. Before the ceremony, her scalp and pubic hair will be removed.
Several months post-ceremony, she would return to her village to endure a second shave, have her nails trimmed, pierce her ears, and don jewelry.

Virginity is esteemed among the Bahima people of Uganda.

In the hut, the bride-to-be was not only inundated with food but also provided with counsel on marital matters. Her grandma served as a marriage counselor. However, the primary role was fulfilled by her paternal or maternal aunts, Inshwekazi. In Banyankole culture, the father’s sister has historically been, and continues to be, accountable for the sexual morality of the adolescent daughter. Her responsibility was to counsel the girl about beginning a household. Furthermore, in Ankole, girls were expected to remain virgins until marriage. In the majority of cases, she possessed no experience in matrimony whatsoever.

When the bride-to-be wept, distressed by the prospect of living among unfamiliar individuals, the Inshwekazi would console her, promising her that everything would be well. The aunt’s additional responsibility was to ascertain the bridegroom’s virility by observing or eavesdropping on the sexual relations between him and her niece. A virgin girl was rewarded with a young, plump heifer.

If the girl’s parents knew that she was not a virgin, they formally conveyed this information to the husband by presenting the girl, along with other presents, a perforated coin, often five pence of the pre-colonial East African money, or another hollow object. Similarly, if the bride acknowledged her lack of virginity, she would receive a hollow coin and be courteously requested to return it to her parents. Nevertheless, the groom was never held responsible for lacking chastity before to marriage.

Forced marriage among the Bahima people of Uganda

If a potential bride disapproved of the suitor, he could employ okuteera oruhoko, signifying that he would compel her to marry him swiftly, without her consent and with no preparation. The practice of okuteera oruhoko was emblematic of traditional Ankole society, yet remnants of it persist. Society condemned this practice, however it was prevalent and frequently resulted in many young men acquiring a spouse. However, the perpetrator was required to pay a substantial bride price.

This practice was executed in multiple ways.

One method involved use a cock. A boy desiring to marry a girl who had spurned him would capture a rooster, visit the girl’s residence, toss the rooster into the premises, and go.

The girl had to be promptly taken to the boy’s residence due to the belief that if the cock crowed while she remained at home, either she or a family member would face imminent death. Another method involved applying millet flour to the girl’s face. Should the boy encounter the female milling millet, he would take some flour from the winnowing tray, utilized for collecting the flour produced by the grinding stone, and apply it to the girl’s face.

The lad would flee, prompting immediate arrangements to bring him the girl, as any delays or excuses could lead to disaster. Alternative methods of okuteera oruhuko involved the suitor placing a rope around the girl’s neck and publicly declaring that he had done so.

Another way involved placing a plant called orwihura on the girl’s head or sprinkling milk on her face during milking. The latter was feasible only if the suitor and the girl belonged to distinct clans. Oruhuko was a perilous and humiliating activity. It was typically attempted by boys who had been unsuccessful in the pursuit of a maiden’s affection. If a suitor failed to evade the girl’s relatives, he was certain to encounter their united ire.

If he evaded a severe beating, he undoubtedly could not circumvent the substantial bride price. He would incur charges that are twice or even beyond the standard bride price rate. Furthermore, the additional cattle that were charged were not reimbursed in the event of a marriage dissolution.